Why do migrants want to go to the UK?

This week, we went to the Red Cross, PSA, centre twice. I was surprised by the number of people we met from the Tigray region in Ethiopia, who were transiting through Belgium in the hope of eventually reaching the UK. I had a conversation with a gentleman from Tigray, Ammanuel,[1] who tried to summarise the current conflict for me and explain why so many of his people wanted to keep going in the hope of eventually reaching the UK.

One of the first things that struck me was how Ammanuel referred to the conflict as the Tigrayan Genocide. Genocide was not a word that, I personally, had associated with the conflict before meeting Ammanuel, nor is it one that I have seen used in the media. Nonetheless, as he explained how Ethiopia was divided among ethnic lines and the history between the Tigrayan people and other ethnic groups in the region, I began to understand how this term might be used to provide a more apt description of what is currently happening.[2]

Geographically, Tigray is located along the Ethiopian-Eritrean border and as such the region acts as a buffer zone between the two States. In recent years, the number of refugees fleeing Eritrea has increased with many settlings in camps in Tigray. Ethnically, Tigray is home to Ethiopia’s third largest ethnic group – the Tigrayan people - which makes up 6-7 percent of the total population. In comparison, the two largest ethnic groups in Ethiopia, Oromo and Amhara, make up around 60 percent of the total population. Despite this, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front controlled Ethiopian politics for almost thirty years up until 2018 when the current prime minister, Abiy Ahmed came to power. During the years that the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front were in power, Ethiopia began to grow economically, but at the same time, the government was accused of corruption, curtailing free speech and repressing political opposition. Moreover, The Tigray People’s Liberation Front were often blamed for the civil war between 1998 and 2000 which led to the formation of the Eritrean State. This led to a growing resentment towards the Tigray People’s Liberation Front which culminated in the 2016 anti-government protests and ultimately led the way to Abiy Ahmed, an ethnic Oromo,[3] being elected Prime Minister in April 2018. [4]

"Could the Peace Process and the Peace Agreement itself have been a ploy?"

Abiy Ahmed went on to win the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for instigating a peace agreement with the president of Eritrea, Isaias Afwerki, thus ending two decades of conflict. The Peace Agreement promised to improve connections between the two States, by increasing the number of commercial flights between the capitals and also reopening borders. It was hoped that this would improve trade links and reduce hostilities, however, these plans were rolled back within a matter of months and trading between the two states has not increased to the same extent as originally promised.[5] According to a New York Times article that Ammanuel sent me, there is new evidence that suggests that Ethiopia began planning a military attack in Tigray before 2019.[6] Could the Peace Process and the Peace Agreement itself have been a ploy?

I do not know nearly enough information on either State to attempt to answer that question but I have done some basic background reading on the current conflict. In brief, the conflict began in November 2020, when Abiy Ahmed moved troops towards the Tigray region in response to a regional election in Tigray which was organised without permission from Addis Ababa. At the time, it was believed that the conflict would last a matter of days, yet, it is still ongoing over a year later. During this time, Tigrayan militia groups have managed to gain considerable ground advancing towards the capital city of Addis Ababa. During the summer months, they were only 160 miles away from the capital when the military eventually pushed them back. In November 2021, the military had a number of successes against the Tigrayan militia groups and took back two strategic towns within the Tigray region.[7] Regardless of who is currently winning or losing cities, civilians remain the main victims of the conflict.

A recent update from the European Commission describes the situation in Tigray as ‘dire’ and states that over 90 percent of the population, amounting to over 5 million people, need humanitarian assistance. In November 2021, there were an estimated 2.1 million internally displaced persons in Tigray. Road blockades prevent humanitarian aid organisations from accessing the region and aiding these people,[8] which means that many are dying of malnutrition and curable diseases.[9] The EU, which has significantly reduced aid provided to Ethiopia since 2020[10] and remarked on the possibility of introducing sanctions against Ethiopia as a result of the internal conflict,[11] has also suggested that Ethiopian politicians are creating a ‘famine’ in Tigray.[12]

It is clear to me from everything that I have read that Tigray is not safe. Abdullah would also argue that, even though, the conflict has not reached every region in Ethiopia, nowhere in the country is safe for his people. He believes that as long as the conflict is ongoing there will be ethnic tensions and ethnic violence. He told me about stories he had heard - stories of police officers arresting and torturing people solely because their name sounded Tigrayan. For this reason, he believes that for Tigrayan migrants trying to reach Europe by land, crossing through Ethiopia is quite dangerous, almost as dangerous as crossing through Libya or sailing across the Mediterranean.

"I just hope that the information we gave the people we met about the UK helps them make an informed decision"

Despite the fact that many of the Tigrayan people that we meet in PSA have already crossed Ethiopia, Sudan, Libya and several countries in continental Europe to reach Belgium, the majority do not want to stay here. I find this quite shocking. As bad as things have been at Klein Kasteeltje over the last few weeks, I would have thought that staying in Belgium, a wealthy and stable country, would have been preferable to taking another risky journey across the Channel, especially for families with young children. Nonetheless, Abdullah, explained to me that there are several factors that push Tigrayan people to continue their journey.

According to Abdullah, Tigrayan people believe that the UK is a better place for them as many of them learned English in school. Abdullah, himself, started learning English in the first grade and already speaks the language fluently. He points out that learning a new language such as Dutch or French at the same time as trying to rebuild a life – find a job, a place to live and form new relationships is a real challenge and not something that everybody can do efficiently. This is something I can definitely agree with as I spend a lot of time, here in Brussels, wishing I had spent more time studying French when I was in school. In addition to this, there is already a well-established Tigrayan community in many British cities meaning that many of the refugees that we meet at PSA already know somebody in the UK.

While both of these arguments make perfect sense, I guess I, personally, still find it hard to understand why people think it is worth the risk but then again, I am not in their position. Perhaps, if I were, I would see the situation in a different light. I just hope that the information we gave the people we met about the UK helps them make an informed decision.

Why do migrants want to go to the UK?

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